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s="" thinking="" much="" the="" same="" as="" she="" tries="" to="" decide="" whether="" send="" player="" 2="" some="" of="" her="" $10="" stake.="" if="" does,="" money="" will="" be="" tripled,="" and="" anonymous="" partner="" can="" choose="" return="" none,="" some,="" or="" all="" cash.="" but="" why="" should="" anything="" back?="" 1="" give="" in="" first="" place?="" despite="" iron="" logic="" this="" argument,="" types="" command="" money.="" a="" few="" moments="" later="" smiles,="" seeing="" from="" screen="" that="" has="" returned="" tidy="" sum="" leaves="" them="" both="" showing="" net="" profit.(2)Based on exactly the same cold logic that Player 1 dismissed, the so-called Nash equilibrium predicts that in economic transactions between strangers, where one has to make decisions based on a forecast of another's response, the optimal level of trust is zero. Yet despite the economic orthodoxy, the behavior of Players 1 and 2 is not exceptional. In fact, over the course of hundreds of such trials, it turns out that about half of Player 1s send some money, and three-quarters of Player 2s who receive it send some back.Zak is a leading protagonist in the relatively new field of neuroeconomics, which aims to understand human social interactions through every level from synapse to society. It is a hugely ambitious undertaking. By laying bare the mysteries of such nebulous human attributes as trust, neuroeconomists hope to transform our self- understanding. (3 )“ As we learn more about the remarkable internal order of the mind, we will also understand far more deeply the social mind and therefore the external order of personal exchange, and the extended order of exchange through markets.”(4) As Zak’s collaborator Steve Knack of the World Bank points out: “Trust is one of the most powerful factors affecting a country's economic health. Where trust is low, individuals and organizations are more wary about engaging in financial transactions, which tends to depress the national economy.”And trust levels differ greatly between nations. The World Values Survey, based at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, has asked people in countries around the world, “Do you think strangers can generally be trusted?” the positive response rate varies from about 65% in Norway to about 5% in Brazil.(5)“Policy-makers in these latter countries might be urgently interested in mechanisms that enable them to raise national trust levels,” observes Knack.'>

(1) Player 1 may not know these particular words of wisdom, but chances are she's thinking much the same as she tries to decide whether to send Player 2 some of her $10 stake. If she does, the money will be tripled, and her anonymous partner can choose to return none, some, or all of the cash. But why should Player 2 send anything back? And why should Player 1 give anything in the first place? Despite the iron logic of this argument, she types in her command to send some money. A few moments later she smiles, seeing from her screen that Player 2 has returned a tidy sum that leaves them both showing a net profit.(2)Based on exactly the same cold logic that Player 1 dismissed, the so-called Nash equilibrium predicts that in economic transactions between strangers, where one has to make decisions based on a forecast of another's response, the optimal level of trust is zero. Yet despite the economic orthodoxy, the behavior of Players 1 and 2 is not exceptional. In fact, over the course of hundreds of such trials, it turns out that about half of Player 1s send some money, and three-quarters of Player 2s who receive it send some back.Zak is a leading protagonist in the relatively new field of neuroeconomics, which aims to understand human social interactions through every level from synapse to society. It is a hugely ambitious undertaking. By laying bare the mysteries of such nebulous human attributes as trust, neuroeconomists hope to transform our self- understanding. (3 )“ As we learn more about the remarkable internal order of t

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s="" thoughts="" as="" a="" belief="" that="" there="" is="" no="" distinction="" between="" natural="" life="" and="" artificial="" man-made="" machines.="" haraway="" begins="" the="" manifesto="" by="" explaining="" three="" boundary="" breakdowns="" since="" 20th="" century="" have="" allowed="" for="" her="" hybrid,="" cyborg="" myth:="" breakdown="" of="" boundaries="" human="" animal,="" animal-human="" machine,="" physical="" non-physical.="" evolution="" has="" blurred="" lines="" animal;="" machines="" made="" ambiguous="" artificial;="" microelectronics="" political="" invisibility="" cyborgs="" confused="" physicality.="" highlights="" problematic="" use="" justification="" western="" traditions="" like="" patriarchy,="" colonialism,="" essentialism,="" naturalism="" (among="" others).="" these="" in="" turn="" allow="" formations="" taxonomies="" what="" explains="" antagonistic="" dualisms="" order="" discourse.="" dualisms,="" states,="" all="" been="" systematic="" to="" logics="" practices="" domination="" women,people of color, nature, workers, animals... all those constituted as others. However, high-tech culture provides a challenge to these antagonistic dualisms. Haraway's cyborg theory rejects the notions of essentialism, proposing instead a chimeric, monstrous world of fusions between animal and machine. Cyborg theory relies on writing as “the technology of cyborgs”, as “cyborg politics is the struggle for language and the struggle against perfect communication, against the one code that translates all meaning perfectly, the central dogma of phallogocentrism”. Instead, Haraway's cyborg calls for a non-essentialized, material-semiotic metaphor capable of uniting diffuse politicalcoalitions along the lines of affinity rather than identity. Following Lacanian feminists such as Luce Irigaray, Haraway's work addresses the chasm between feminist discourses and the dominant language of Western patriarchy. As Haraway explains, “grammar is politics by other means,” and effective politics require speaking in the language of domination. As she details in a chart of the paradigmatic shifts from modern to postmodern epistemology within the Manifesto, the unified human subject of identity has shifted to the hybridized posthuman of technoscience, from “representation” to “simulation,” “bourgeois novel” to “science fiction,” “reproduction” to “replication,” and “white capitalist patriarchy” to “informatics of domination.” While Haraway's “ironic dream of a common language” is inspired by Irigaray's argument for a discourse other than patriarchy, she rejects Irigaray's essentializing construction of woman-as-not-male to argue for a linguistic community of situated, partial knowledges in which no one is innocent. Although Haraway's metaphor of the cyborg has been labelled as a post-gender statement, Haraway has clarified her stance on post-genderism in recent interviews. She acknowledges that her argument in the Manifesto seeks to challenge the necessity for categorization of gender, but does not correlatethis argument to post-genderism. She clarifies this distinction because post-genderism is often associated with the discourse of the utopian concept of being beyond masculinity and femininity.Haraway notes that gender constructs are still prevalent and meaningful, but are troublesome and should therefore be eliminated as categories for identity.1.According to the text, a cybernetic organism or cyborg must be understood as( ).2.Haraway poses that gender constructs should be eliminated as categories for identity because ( ).3.According to Haraway manicheisms are in competition with one another, creating paradoxical relations of domination, particularly ( ).4.The cyborg is a ( ).5.A sonographic fetus would in many ways be the ultimate cyborg because( ).'>

A Cyborg Manifesto is an essay written by Donna Haraway, in which the concept of the cyborg is a rejection of rigid boundaries, notably those separating “human” from “animal” and “human” from “machine”. She writes: “The cyborg does not dream of community on the

He is so careless with his spelling that he often ( )letters in some words.



A.leaves out B.leaves off C.leaves in D.leaves for
t="" specialize="" as="" one="" might="" suppose,="" because="" certain="" raw="" materials="" happen="" to="" be="" available="" near="" particular="" village.="" clay="" suitable="" for="" pots="" is="" widely="" available.="" everyone="" knows="" how="" make="" pots,="" but="" not="" everybody="" does="" so.="" craft="" specialization="" reflects="" the="" social="" and="" political="" environment="" rather="" than="" natural="" environment.="" such="" promotes="" trade="" which="" first="" step="" in="" creating="" an="" alliance="" with="" enemy="" villages.="" contributes="" keeping="" peace,="" although="" it="" has="" prevented="" inter-village="" warfare.Among the Trobriand Islanders of the South Pacific, Malinowski found that only two out of several villages manufactured certain ceremonial items that were important in a regional exchange network called the kula ring. As among the Yanomani, this specialization was unrelated to the location of raw materials. We don't know why this specialization began, but we do know that it persisted within the kula ring, which allied several communities and island in a common trade network.1.In nonindustrial societies, how do people obtain the means of production?2.What does the sentence “manufacturing is often linked to age and gender” in paragraph 2 mean?3.In regard to technology, how do nonindustrial societies differ from industrial societies?4.The reason why some nonindustrial societies promote specialization is that ( ).5.The author compared Trobriand Islanders and the Yanomani to imply that ( ).'>

Like land, labour is means of production. In nonindustrial societies, access to both land and labour comes through social links such as kinship, marriage, and descent. Mutual aid in production is merely one aspect of ongoing social relationships that are expressed on many other occasions.Nonindustrial societies contrast with industrial nations in regard to another means of production-technology. In bands and tribes manufacturing is often linked to age and gender. Women may weave and men make pottery or vice versa. Most people of a particular age and gender share the technical knowledge associated with that age and gender. If married women customarily make baskets, most married women know how to make baskets. Neither technology nor technical knowledge is as specialized as it is in states.However, some tribal societies do promote specialization. Among the Yanomani of Benezuela and Brazil, for instance, certain villages manufacture clay pots and others make hammocks. They don't specialize as one might suppose, because certain raw materials happen to be available near particular village. Clay suitable for pots is widely available. Everyone knows how to make pots, but not everybody does so. Craft specialization reflects the social and political environment rather than the natural environment. Such specialization promotes trade which is the first step in creating an alliance with enemy villages. Specialization contributes to keeping the peace, although it has not prevented inter-village warfare.Among the Trobriand Islanders of the South Pacific, Malinowski found that only two out of several villages manufactured certain ceremonial items that were important in a regional exchange network called the kula ring. As among the Yanomani, this specialization was unrelated to the location of raw materials. We don't know why this specialization began, but we do know that it persisted within the kula ring, which allied several communities and island in a common trade network.1.In nonindustrial societies, how do people obtain the means of production?2.What does the sentence “manufacturing is often linked to age and gender” in paragraph 2 mean?3.In regard to technology, how do nonindustrial societies differ from industrial societies?4.The reason why some nonindustrial societies promote specialization is that ( ).5.The author compared Trobriand Islanders and the Yanomani to imply that ( ).



A.By land and labour B.Through social links C.By mutual aid D.By many other occasions.
问题2:
A.Pe

I apologize if I ( )you, but I assure you it was unintentional.



A.offend B.had offended C.should have offended D.might have offended

Language, culture, and personality may be considered ( )of each other in thought, but they are inseparable in fact.



A.indistinct B.separate C.irrelevant D.independent
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