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s="" findings,="" what="" constitutes="" admissible="" and="" adequate="" proof.Anyone who has followed recent historical literature can testify to the revolution that is taking place in historical studies. The currently fashionable subjects come directly from the sociology catalog: childhood, work, leisure. The new subjects are accompanied by new methods. Where history once was primarily narrative, it is now entirely analytic. The old questions “What happened?" and "How did it happen?" have given way to the question “Why did it happen?" Prominent among the methods used to answer the question "Why" is psychoanalysis, and its use has given rise to psychohistory.Psychohistory does not merely use psychological explanations in historical contexts. Historians have always used such explanations when they were appropriate and when there was sufficient evidence for them. But this pragmatic use of psychology is not what psycho-historians intend. They are committed, not just to psychology in general, but to Freudian psychoanalysis. This commitment precludes a commitment to history as historians have always understood it. Psychohistory derives its "facts" not from history, the detailed records of events and their consequences, but from psychoanalysis of the individuals who made history, and deduces its theories not from this or that instance in their lives, but from a view of human nature that transcends history. It denies the basic criterion of historical evidence: that evidence should be publicly accessible to, and therefore assessable by, all historians. And it violates the basic tenet of historical method: those historians should be alert to the negative instances that would refute their theses. Psycho-historians, convinced of the absolute tightness of their own theories, are also convinced that theirs is the "deepest" explanation of any event, which other explanations fall short of the truth.Psychohistory is not content to violate the discipline of history (in the sense of the proper mode of studying and writing about the past); it also violates the past itself. It denies to the past an integrity and will of its own. in which people acted out of a variety of motives and in which events had a multiplicity of causes and effects. It imposes upon the past the same determinism that it imposes upon the present, thus robbing people and events of their individuality and of their complexity. Instead of respecting the particularity of the past, it assimilates all events, past and present, into a single deterministic schema that is presumed to be true at all times and in all circumstances.1.Which of the following best states the main point of the passage?2.The author mentions which of the following as a characteristic of the practice of psycho-historians?3.It can be inferred from the passage that the methods used by psycho-historians probably prevent them from( ).4.The author suggests that psycho-historians view history primarily as ( ).5.In presenting her analysis, the author does all of the following EXCEPT( ).'>

Traditionally, the study of history has had fixed boundaries and focal points ——periods, countries, dramatic events, and great leaders. It also has had clear and firm notions of scholarly procedure: how one inquires into a historical problem, how one presents and documents one's findings, what constitutes admissible and adequate proof.Anyone who has followed recent historical literature can testify to the revolution that is taking place in historical studies. The currently fashionable subjects come directly from the sociology catalog: childhood, work, leisure. The new subjects are accompanied by new methods. Where history once was primarily narrative, it is now entirely analytic. The old questions “What happened?" and "How did it happen?" have given way to the question “Why did it happen?" Prominent among the methods used to answer the question "Why" is psychoanalysis, and its use has given rise to psychohistory.Psychohistory does not merely u

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I don't think Johnson will succeed in his new job, for he is not ( )to that type of work.



A.compatible B.convenient C.consistent D.competent

As a wise man once said, we are all ultimately alone. But an increasing number of Europeans are choosing to be so at an even earlier age. This isn’t the stuff of gloomy philosophical contemplations, but a fact of Europe’s new economic landscape, embraced by sociologists, real-estate developers and ad executives alike. The shift away from family life to solo lifestyle, observes a French sociologist, is part of the “irresistible momentum of individualism” over the last century. The communications revolution the shift from a business culture of stability to one of mobility and the mass entry of women into the workforce have greatly wreaked havoc on(扰乱)European’s private lives.Europe’s new economic climate has largely fostered the trend toward independence. The current generation of home-aloners came of age during Europe’s shift from social democracy to the sharper, more individualistic climate of American-style capitalism. Raised in an era of privatization and increased consumer choice, today’s tech-savvy (精通技术的)workers have embraced a free market in love as well as economics. Modern Europeans are rich enough to afford to live alone, and temperamentally independent enough to want to do so.Once upon a time, people who lived alone tended to be those on either side of marriage — twenty something professionals or widowed senior citizens. While pensioners, particularly elderly women, make up a large proportion of those living alone, the newest crop of singles are high earners in their 30s and 40s who increasingly view living alone as a lifestyle choice. Living alone was conceived to be negative dark and cold, while being together suggested warmth and light. But then came along the idea of singles. They were young, beautiful and strong! Now, young people want to live alone.The booming economy means people are working harder than ever. And that doesn’t leave much room for relationships. Pimpi Arroyo, a 35-year-old composer who lives alone in a house in Paris, says he hasn’t got time to get lonely because he has too much work. “I have deadlines which would make life with someone else fairly difficult.” Only an ideal woman would make him change his lifestyle, he says. Kaufrnann, author of a recent book called “The Single Woman and Prince Charming,” thinks this fierce new individualism means that people expect more and more of mates, so relationships don’t last long if they start at all. Eppendorf a blond Berliner with a deep tan, teaches grade school in the mornings. In the afternoon she sunbathes or sleeps, resting up for going dancing. Just shy of 50, she says she’d never have wanted to do what her mother did give up a career to raise a family. Instead, “I’ve always done what I wanted to do: live a self-determined life.”

1.More and more young Europeans remain single because ( ).2.What is said about European society in the passage?3.According to Paragraph 3, the newest group of singles are ( ).4.The author quotes Eppendorf to show that ( ).5.What is the author’s purpose in writing the passage?

A.they are driven by an overwhelming sense of individualism B.they have entered the workforce at a much earlier age C.they have embraced a business culture of stability D.they are pessimistic about their economic future问题2: A.It has fostered the trend towards small families. B.It is getting closer to American style capitalism. C.It has limited consumer choice despite a free market. D.It is being threatened by irresistible privatization.问题3: A.warm and light heated B.on either side of marriage C.negative and gloomy D.healthy and wealthy问题4: A.some modern women prefer a life of individual freedom B.the family is no longer the basic unit of society in present-day Europe C.some professional people have too much work to do to feel lonely D.most Europeans conceive living a single life as unacceptable问题5: A.To review the impact of women becoming high earners. B.To contemplate the philosophy underlying individualism. C.To examine the trend of young people living alone. D.To stress the rebuilding of personal relationships.

Could the bad old days of economic decline be about to return? Since OPEC agreed to supply-cuts in March, the price of crude oil has jumped to almost $26 a barrel, up from less than $10 last December. This near-tripling of oil prices calls up scary memories of the 1973 oil shock, when prices quadrupled, and 1979-80, when they also almost tripled. Both previous shocks resulted in double digit inflation and global economic decline. So where are the headlines warning of gloom and doom this time?The oil price was given another push up this week when Iraq suspended oil exports. Strengthening economic growth, at the same time as winter grips the northern hemisphere, could push the price higher still in the short term. Yet there are good reasons to expect the economic consequences now to be less severe than in the 1970s. In most countries the cost of crude oil now accounts for a smaller share of the price of petrol than it did in the 1970s. In Europe, taxes account for up to four-fifths of the retail price, so even quite big changes in the price of crude have a more muted effect on pump prices than in the past.Rich economies are also less dependent on oil than they were, and so less sensitive to swings in the oil price. Energy conservation, a shift to other fuels and a decline in the importance of heavy, energy-intensive industries have reduced oil consumption. Software, consultancy and mobile telephones use far less oil than steel or car production. For each dollar of GDP (in constant prices) rich economies now use nearly 50% less oil than in 1973. The OECD estimates in its latest Economic Outlook that, if oil prices averaged $22 a barrel for a full year, compared with $13 in 1998, this would increase the oil import bill in rich economies by only 0.25-0.5% of GDP. That is less than one-quarter of the income loss in 1974 or 1980.On the other hand, oil-importing emerging economies to which heavy industry has shifted have become more energy intensive, and so could be more seriously squeezed.One more reason not to lose sleep over the rise in oil prices is that, unlike the rises in the 1970s, it has not occurred against the background of general commodity-price inflation and global excess demand. A sizable portion of the world is only just emerging from economic decline. The Economists commodity price index is broadly unchanging from a year ago. In 1973 commodity prices jumped by 70%, and in 1979 by almost 30%.1.The main reason for the latest rise of oil price is ( ).2.It can be inferred from the text that the retail price of petrol will go up dramatically if ( ).3.The estimates in Economic Outlook show that in rich countries ( ).4.We can draw a conclusion from the text that ( ).5.From the text we can see that the writer seems( ).



A.global inflation B.reduction in supply C.fast growth in economy D.Iraq's suspension of exports
问题2:
A.price of crude rises B.commodity prices rise C.consumption rises D.oil taxes rise
问题3:
A.heavy industry becomes more energy-intensive B.income loss mainly results from fluctuating crude oil prices C.manufacturing industry has been seriously squeezed D.oil price changes have no significant impact on GDP
问题4:
A.oil price shocks are less shocking now B.inflation seems irrelevant to oil-price shocks C.energy conservation can keep down the oil prices D.the price rise of crude leads to the shrinking of heavy industry
问题5:
A.optimistic B.sensitive C.gloomy D.scared

The teacher said that if (A)we believed something was (B)true and good we should (C) hold on to them (D).

The service operates 36 libraries throughout the country, while six ( )libraries specially serve the countryside.



A.drifting B.mobile C.shifting D.rotating
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